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Positive U.S.-China relations are necessary for the constructivetransformation of the present international system. The U.S.-ChinaStrategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) process can play animportant role, but domestic politics, or international politics,must not be allowed to derail the development of constructive andpeaceful relations between Beijing and Washington. Given world trends, it is clearly in the national interest of theUnited States to foster a positive, constructive, and stablerelationship with China. A multi-polar world is emerging andWashington needs to respond appropriately in order to safeguardAmerican national interests and to promote a peaceful andprosperous world order. Transition to a multi-polar world A 500-year period of Western imperialism and colonialism has ended.It is now time, in this new century, for the development of apeaceful and prosperous Pacific community within a transformedinternational system. This will no doubt be a long process, but aworthy vision for it needs to be set in place in our day. The bi-polar Cold War international system ended in 1991, and sincethat time the world has been in a difficult transition phase to anew multi-polar system. A successful transformation requirescreative input from all concerned, particularly the major powers,so that all can feel comfortable with, and prosper within, a newmodern and progressive international system. The U.S.-China relationship is a critical factor in world politicstoday. Actions by powers outside the Pacific region, or inside it,which disrupt relations between Washington and Beijing must not bepermitted. Washington must firmly rebuff and reject third-partyactions which would derail this essential relationship. Some may ask: Is Washington really ready to engage in a sincereeffort with other major powers to effect such a transformation ofthe international system and to effect the development of a Pacificcommunity? Will Washington sincerely engage Beijing on the basis ofmutual benefit and mutual respect? These are fair questions and they are questions Americansthemselves should be asking about the intentions of the White Houseand Congress. The American people are no different from any othersin their desire for peace and prosperity. The issue is the qualityand competence of American leadership. American leaders have not made it clear to the American people thata multi-polar world is emerging and that the United States mustfind its proper place and role in it. Instead, many leadersunrealistically cling to outdated Cold War perspectives and toforeign policy concepts based on hegemony. As for the U.S.-China relationship, American leaders have failed totake a bipartisan stance and to support a pragmatic non-ideologicalpolicy of long-term constructive engagement and cooperation. Atelection time, Democrats blame China for job losses at home whileRepublicans blame China for security threats. China is blamed byboth parties for allegedly unfair trading practices, currencymanipulation, and a raft of other matters. Cooler heads with clearer vision are needed in Washington wherepowerful special interests meddle in U.S.-China policy and impairour long-range national interests. One obstacle to a sensible U.S. policy is the persistence ofoutdated global perspectives in influential political and policycircles. In the United States there are different perspectivesabout the emerging international system and different policyprescriptions with respect to Washington's role today and in theyears to come. The dominant perspective still clings to an outdatedCold War perspective and even reaches back to the global crusadefor democracy envisaged by President Woodrow Wilson (in office from1913-21). Interventionism was part-and-parcel of Wilsonian policy,and there are those today who see this as a model. Both political parties in the United States are, at present,influenced by factions who share such outdated perspectives and whoadvocate a policy of hegemony. Advocates for such a policy oftencloak the underlying objective of strategic dominance, or primacy,in the phrase "leadership." Intervention is said to be for"humanitarian" purposes. In recent months, there have been a media blitz and exaggeratedrhetoric about a so-called "return to the Pacific," PresidentBarack Obama as the "first Pacific president," and an "AmericanPacific century." But, as is well known, the United States has hada presence in the Asia Pacific since 1784 and the voyage of theU.S. trading ship Empress of China. Our first "Pacific president," under the republic, was ThomasJefferson (in office from 1801-09). He dispatched the famous Lewisand Clark Expedition to scout the new Louisiana Purchase territoryand to find a way to the Pacific Ocean to lay the foundation forour future commerce in the Pacific region. President James K. Polk(in office from 1845-49) later firmly established our Pacificpresence by the acquisition of California and the favorablesettlement of the Oregon question. In our time, President Richard M. Nixon (in office from 1969-74),who was born in California and who served in the Navy in thePacific during World War II, boldly continued America's traditionalpresence in the Pacific with the historic opening to China. Theimportant contributions of President Jimmy Carter (in office from1977-81) to the normalization process, and his continued positiveinterest in America's relationship with China, must be applauded aswell. Unfortunately, today the positive attitude toward China ofPresidents Nixon and Carter is challenged by those who advocate apolicy of confrontation and of forward containment of China.Coercive diplomacy as well as political, psychological, andeconomic warfare are seen as appropriate tools for a policy ofconfrontation with China. 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