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Nahlah ayed: the larger battle lines in syria's spillover war - Portable Mini Projector by dedwf wefweg





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Nahlah ayed: the larger battle lines in syria's spillover war - Portable Mini Projector by
Article Posted: 09/02/2013
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Nahlah ayed: the larger battle lines in syria's spillover war - Portable Mini Projector


 
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Woe, again, is Lebanon. Pity the tiny nation that seems condemnedto be dragged into virtually every one of the region'sconflagrations. Such is the fate of a perennially divided country. Right from the start of the uprising against Syria's PresidentBashar al-Assad, it was inevitable that similar tensions would echoinside the borders of Syria's smaller, weaker, more subdividedneighbour (and one-time political subordinate.) The violence had already "spilled over" on a few occasions, but thelatest episode this past week may be the worst yet. For four days now, gunmen from opposing factions openly tradedbullets and rocket-propelled grenades (even mortars, according tothe local press), on the streets of the northern Lebanese city ofTripoli, killing at least seven.

Shops and schools were shuttered, and frightened residents eithercowered in their homes, or fled for safer ground as the usual roundof condemnations came from around the world, warning of theconsequences of escalation. The clashes pitted Sunni Muslim supporters of the Syrian uprisingagainst Lebanese members of the Alawite sect, an offshoot of ShiaIslam and the same sect to which the Syrian president belongs. It's not the first time the predominantly Sunni residents of Babal-Tabbaneh and their Alawite counterparts in the Jabal Mohsenneighbourhood have collided. They have been fighting for decades,and the Syrian conflict presents just another opportunity to settleold scores. Today, their battle is a microcosm of the sectarian undertones tothe conflict next door and, though disturbing, the only realsurprise is that such clashes haven't been more widespread inLebanon given that the entire country like the region isalready sharply divided and organized around support, or disdain,for Syria.

A man and boy ride a scooter past Lebanese soldiers deployed to theSunni Muslim neighbourhood of Bab al-Tebbaneh in Tripoli because ofall the fighting this past week. (Mohamed Azakir / Reuters) Proxy wars In Lebanon's case, these divisions over Syria came to the foreafter the murder of former prime minister Rafik Hariri in 2005. One camp blamed the murder on Damascus, Lebanon's long-timepolitical master, while the other camp, led by the Shiaorganization Hezbollah, defended the Assad regime (a staunch backerof the armed militant group.) In the process, two new political groupings were born: one known asMarch 14 (allied to Sunni Arab nations, close to Western countriesand opposed to Syria); and the other, March 8 (allied to ShiaMuslim Iran and Alawite-led Syria). March 8 forms the current government.

A fractured nation that has long been the arena for Middle Easttensions to play out, Lebanon is now also reflecting the growingantagonism between Sunni and Shia Muslims throughout the region. That animosity has been smouldering for centuries, but becameinflamed during the upheaval and civil war in Iraq, and now againbecause of what's going on in Syria. It is essentially a power struggle for influence and supremacychiefly between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran, and since 2005 ithas led to several deadly clashes in Lebanon, many of which Iwitnessed while I was living there. In those days, Lebanon was the favourite proxy battleground for theregion's sectarian rivalries.

Today, with Syria's own divisions onstark display, it is in danger of assuming these honours. Cautionary tale In Syria, the majority of people are Sunni Muslim, but the rulingAssad regime is largely Alawite, and each group has its regionalbackers. The situation was already serious enough with a regime killingthousands of its own citizens simply for protesting, in a bid tohold on to power. But when you add the region's sectarianantagonisms to the mix, you have the makings of an even moreserious civil war.

Lebanon, once again, provides the best cautionary tale for howthese divisions can be exploited. In the 1970s and '80s, Lebanesefought a devastating civil war that was fuelled by competingregional players. Many Lebanese believe that is why it took 15 years for the conflictto end, because it was stoked by other nations willing to exploitthe many rivalries, and provide the weapons and ammunition to keepthe fighting going. Syria finds itself at that same crossroads now. Saudi Arabia andQatar and other Sunni Arabs are bent on toppling the Alawite Assadregime and have been providing weapons to the rebels, according tonumerous reports.

Meanwhile, Iran and, increasingly, Iraq are standing by Assad. Iranhas apparently already been providing at least logistical advice,if not more, to enable the regime's crackdown. So if you're looking for evidence that Syria's conflict is spillingover, you're late to the game. It's been spilling over from the start into Saudi Arabia, Iran,Qatar, even the Palestinian Territories, and indeed, into Lebanon,where people have been holding their collective breath since theviolence started, disturbingly aware how their own internaldivisions could make way for the violence to descend once again. Given that similar rifts exist in Syria, it's easy to see how allthis can mean a long, full-fledged civil war there too.

"Pity the nation," wrote the Lebanese-American poet Khalil Gibran,"divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation." Lebanese know exactly what the poet was talking about. Syrians arewell on their way to finding out. Pity the nation indeed.

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