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"This is not what we came and died in Tahrir Square for,"says protester Ramy Mahmoud, who returned to the iconic square toexpress his frustration at initial presidential election results. "When we came here before, we said we wanted freedom andjustice. We wanted a new constitution and to get rid of the oldregime," he says. "But we are not on the rightpath." When a popular uprising toppled Mr. Mubarak last year, theoppressive system he built didn't fall with him the abusivesecurity apparatus, manipulative state media, and deep inequalityremain intact. When military generals took power after his fall,they didn't touch the institutional infrastructure. Millions of Egyptians who had poured into the streets to demandchange postponed their hopes for a deeper transformation until apresident could be elected and a new constitution put in place. But a year and a half later, a constitution is not yet written, andShafiq is within reach of the presidency. Those seeking real changein Egypt see little hope in a man who was part of the old regime,especially with no constitution to define his powers. Concern about Muslim Brotherhood dominance Some see a different threat in Mr. Morsi, the Muslim Brotherhood'scandidate. If he wins, the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party(FJP), which holds a plurality of seats in parliament, will controlboth the legislative and executive branches of government. That would concentrate power in the hands of one party, as was thecase under Mubarak. The organization could then impose change theway it sees fit, instead of through a consultative process. Others worry about religious oppression. The Brotherhood, a broadermovement of which the FJP is but one arm, aims to bring societycloser to Islam. So some think Morsi would carry that goal intooffice, along with the top-down authoritarian structure of thegroup. "I can never vote for Morsi. He wouldn't be the one makingdecisions," says taxi driver Adel Shawky. The "realpresident" of Egypt, he says, would be the leader of theBrotherhood, known as the general guide a post currently held byMohamed Badie. Morsi tried to allay some of those fears after making it into therunoff. Abandoning the rhetoric of the campaign trail, in which hehad promised to implement sharia , or Islamic law, he pledged that under his presidency Christianswould be equal citizens and women would have full rights. He saidhe would create a coalition government, not necessarily led by aFJP member, and that he would resign from the FJP if elected. But after a year of broken promises from the Brotherhood, many maynot trust him. The group reneged on pledges to stay out of thepresidential race, to contest only 30 percent of seats inparliament, and to make the constitution-writing process inclusiveand representational of all Egyptians. A big role for the military? In the case of the constitution, the FJP allied with theultraconservative Islamist Nour Party to form a parliamentarysupermajority that pushed through its own selections for theassembly that will write the constitution just the kind ofbehavior that worries some people. "Their actions speak much more eloquently to their approach togovernance than their words," says Michael Hanna of the Century Foundation in New York. After liberal and secular groups boycotted the constituent assemblyin protest, a court dissolved it, leaving Egypt without aconstituent assembly, not to mention an actual constitution. Whether Shafiq or Morsi wins, it will still be difficult to pushthe military out of politics, a primary goal of pro-democracyactivists, Mr. Hanna says. I am an expert from betapack.cn, while we provides the quality product, such as China Kraft Bubble Mailer , Postal Bubble Envelope, Poly Mailer,and more.
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